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Wei Invests Sun Quan as King of Wu

0221-01-01 · Luoyang

According to chapter eighty-two of the San Guo Romance, in the second year of Huangchu (221), after Liu Bei had proclaimed himself emperor and mobilized the full resources of his state for an eastern campaign of retribution against Wu, Sun Quan sought to avoid fighting on two fronts simultaneously and submitted a letter of submission, sending his Grand Counselor Zhao Zi north as an envoy to Xudou. Zhao Zi first paid his respects to the Grand Commandant Jia Gui and others, and the following morning appeared before Cao Pi at court on the red marble steps. Cao Pi personally tested him on the character and caliber of the Wu lord; Zhao Zi answered every challenge fluently, summing up Sun Quan with six words — "brilliant, humane, wise, martial, shrewd, and far-sighted" — and extolling at length how Sun Quan had "accepted Lu Su from among the common people, raised Lv Meng from the ranks, captured Yu Jin without harming him, taken Jingzhou without a drop of blood, and now commanded the Three Rivers while casting his gaze across all under heaven and submitting in deference to Your Majesty" [c:18048]. Greatly pleased, Cao Pi issued an edict enfeoffing Sun Quan as King of Wu and granting him the nine ceremonial privileges. The move made Sun Quan a nominal vassal of Caowei in exchange for Cao Pi's pledge not to march south in the near term, allowing Sun Quan to concentrate his forces against Liu Bei's eastern campaign and thereby creating the strategic preconditions for Wu's victory at the Battle of Yiling the following year.


Wei Invests Sun Quan as King of Wu

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魏封孙权吴王(221年(黄初二年)):涉及 孙权、曹丕、胡综、是仪等;1 回/卷见于:演 ch.82。

Featured people: Sun Quan、Cao Pi、Hu Zong、Shi Yi


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Context of the Investiture

From the perspective of modern political history, the investiture edict that appointed Sun Quan as King of Wu in the second year of Huangchu was not a purely ceremonial gesture of appeasement. It was a deliberate "political lever" Sun Quan engineered in response to the gravest external pressure he faced on the eve of the Battle of Yiling. After Guan Yu's defeat and death in the twenty-fourth year of Jian'an and the fall of Jingzhou, the alliance between Jiangdong and Shuhan had completely collapsed. Liu Bei then mobilized the full strength of his realm to strike at Wu, leaving Sun Quan exposed on two fronts simultaneously: Liu Bei's combined land-and-water army advancing from the upper Yangtze, and the ever-present threat of Caowei pushing south from the Huainan direction. Faced with this "lose-on-both-fronts" situation, Sun Quan's only way out was to neutralize the northern front in the short term — and the lowest-cost instrument for inducing Cao Pi to voluntarily forgo a southern campaign was to accept Wei's investiture [c:18048]. This was a classic "trade name for substance" maneuver: by accepting nominal vassal status, Sun Quan bought a strategic window in which he could concentrate physically on dealing with Liu Bei.

Substance of the Edict

The core of the edict was to enfeoff Sun Quan as King of Wu and confer the Nine Bestowals upon him, establishing his legal standing as a feudal prince under Caowei. Within the Han-Wei ritual system, the Nine Bestowals represented the "highest honor a subject could receive" and were themselves a hallmark gift on the eve of abdication — Cao Cao received the Nine Bestowals two years before Cao Pi received the abdication. The political meaning Cao Pi assigned to Sun Quan's receipt of the Nine Bestowals was deliberately constrained to the "ceiling of a feudal king," not the "starting point of abdication." This constraint was precisely the crux of the bargain: Sun Quan wanted the legitimating facade that came with the Nine Bestowals, while Cao Pi wanted the pledge of submission the Nine Bestowals implied. The entire investiture ceremony was made public through the sequence of Zhao Zi presenting a memorial, Cao Pi posing questions, and Zhao Zi responding — Cao Pi repeatedly asking about the Wu lord's talents and character, and Zhao Zi summarizing him with six words, "intelligent, humane, wise, and heroic," supporting this with four examples: receiving Lu Su, promoting Lv Meng, sparing Yu Jin after his capture, and taking Jingzhou without bloodshed. Together these cast Sun Quan as a "worthy lord" worthy of investiture rather than a defeated subject [c:18048]. It was an exquisitely choreographed diplomatic performance.

Implementation

The actual implementation after the edict was issued became a mutual test of wills. Sun Quan did accept the royal title and the Nine Bestowals, but on the substantive obligations of a vassal — sending a hostage son, paying tribute, and observing Wei's calendar — he stalled with one excuse after another ("the rites are not yet in order," and the like). Cao Pi, seeking to probe further, successively demanded that Sun Quan send his son Sun Deng to court as a hostage; Sun Quan maneuvered for years without ever truly complying [c:18048]. This pattern of "formal submission without substantive concession" was Sun Quan's consistent diplomatic style — he had accepted alliance with Liu Bei before Chibi while preserving his independent military initiative, and had feigned cooperation with Guan Yu in the Jingzhou dispute while covertly seizing it. The formula never changed: use nominal flexibility to retain actual initiative. Cao Pi initially tacitly accepted this because he was focused on consolidating power at home (purging Cao Zhi's old faction, pacifying Jizhou). But once the Battle of Yiling ended and Sun Quan no longer faced external pressure, Cao Pi recognized that he had been "traded name for substance," and launched three successive southern campaigns — all of which came to nothing against the natural barrier of the Yangtze and Wu's skilled defense.

Political Consequences

The political consequences of Wei's investiture of Sun Quan as King of Wu operate on three levels. The first is the immediate strategic effect: Sun Quan secured a full year of strategic latitude, concentrated his forces, and directed Lu Xun to defeat Liu Bei at Yiling with a fire attack, permanently ending the military threat from Shuhan. From that point, the tripartite structure settled into a stable configuration of "Wei dominant, Wu and Shuhan on the defensive" [c:18048]. The second level is the institutional consequence: this was a landmark operation in Chinese history of "a central court enfeoffing a regional warlord as a feudal king," and it established a political template of "using investiture to achieve nominal unity" that echoed through subsequent dynasties — the Eastern Jin investiture of the Murong clan, the Northern Song investiture of Jiaozhi, the Tang investiture of Nanzhao all trace this pattern. The third level is the moral consequence: Sun Quan's acceptance of investiture from an outsider dynasty (in the discourse of Jiangdong's literati, Caowei was "a different surname from the Central Plains") in exchange for strategic room was seen by a portion of the Jiangdong scholar-gentry as political compromise. This colored Wu's long-running "legitimacy anxiety" — which is the deep reason why Sun Quan did not formally proclaim himself emperor until the first year of Huanglong (229), and even after doing so continued to issue prolific proclamations of "auspicious omens" and "heaven-announcement texts" to shore up his legitimacy.

Counterfactual Analysis

At the counterfactual level, had Sun Quan refused to submit to Cao Pi, he would have been compelled to split his forces to guard the Huainan and Hefei fronts before the Battle of Yiling. Lu Xun on the western front would likely have been forced to attack prematurely or with reduced strength, and whether the fire-attack victory could even have been achieved becomes doubtful. An alternative scenario: had Cao Pi seen through Sun Quan's "trade name for substance" gambit and insisted on first receiving the hostage before issuing the investiture edict, Sun Quan might have genuinely turned to seek peace with Liu Bei — but such a peace treaty would have required yielding Jingzhou as the price, giving back every territorial gain Sun Quan had previously won. In short, the investiture of the second year of Huangchu was one of Sun Quan's most successful acts of diplomacy — resolving the gravest crisis at the smallest cost — but it also planted the seed of a legitimacy deficit that would burden Wu for the next sixty years. Reading that edict, one should see not merely "Sun Quan submitting to another," but an entire sophisticated operation of "wrapping strategic gamesmanship in the language of ritual."